In the meantime, the success of the two cases led to an avalanche of similar cases that sent shivers down the spine of the ruling party. The Ujamaa policy was now being discredited and they were exposed as not having adhered to the Rule of Law in implementing their ill-fated programs. In , the Prime Minister attempted to extinguish customary rights in villages by enacting Government Notice No. It stated that:. This step was ill-conceived and too little and too late.
This case emanated from Mareu Ujamaa village. The peasants sought to recover their ancestral land from the current occupants who were also the village leaders. The High Court accepted the contention that the Government Notices were ultra vires or beyond their control; only the minister responsible for regional administration could make the regulations and only after consulting the minister responsible for lands.
The Government Notice did not, in any case, indicate that such consultation had ever taken place. The court further upheld the unconstitutionality of the principal legislation and resulting notices for failure to provide those affected with an opportunity to be heard -- not to mention the unfair, slow, and inadequate compensation and for overriding the general principles of law.
The ruling party panicked; the interests of local notables and party leaders were on line. These people, under the cover of the Villagization Program, had appropriated good and substantial land to themselves.
Now they were being besieged and bombarded by lawsuits and these cases did not appear to be going their way. The Prime Minister and First Vice President, John Malecela, made a brave ministerial statement in parliament assuring parliament and the country that the gains of the Ujamaa socialist policy would not be reversed.
The Minister for Lands, Edward Lowasa, and his predecessor Marcel Komanya, had expressed similar sentiments earlier on. The Chief Justice issued a circular that all land cases in the areas affected by the Government Notices should not go on trial to give the government time to find a solution to what seemed an intractable problem.
The Land Commission presented two reports, one in November, , the second in January, The former and more prominent of the two, focused on land policy and land tenure. The latter concentrated on selected land disputes. To date, however, no action appears to have been taken with respect to the two reports. In the meantime, the government proposed a bill entitled the Regulation of Land Tenure Established Villages Bill, which was expected to solve all the problems of land tenure that arose from Villagization.
If passed, this would violate the separation of powers by nullifying already obtained court decrees, violate the right to be heard before one is deprived of one's property, and deny access to ordinary courts of the land, the right to own property, and sustain life.
Lohay Akonaay and his son Joseph promptly instructed us to do something about this injustice. We filed a Petition in the High Court alleging that, if the bill were tabled, it would certainly be passed; and that if passed, it would violate the constitutional rights of our clients.
We then informed the Party speaker and the press about the petition in hopes that the bill would not be discussed and passed, on the principle of sub-judice, since it would be before the courts. Not one single news medium informed the public of the petition, and no one mentioned it in parliament. Having enacted the bill into law, there was no option to withdrawing the petition. The High Court had upheld our contention that, in substance, the entire Act was beyond the legal powers of the Constitution of Tanzania.
Therefore, one cannot be deprived of that interest without due compensation. The High Court also ruled that occupants have the right to be heard before expropriation of property, and that the Court's jurisdiction in respect to land claims could not be removed, therefore providing access to ordinary courts and rejecting the breach in the principle of the separation of powers. Other points concerned discrimination against the peasantry, nullification of court decrees by the legislature, and the right to sustain life.
The State appealed this decision. We researched the points of law. We thought that this was an opportunity for the Courts to give protection to the peasants and, more importantly, to pastoralists.
We argued that one does not have to have made improvements on the land to receive compensation when deprived of it. They have similar system design starting in upstream areas, close to the forests, with water moving down through the primary canal to be distributed to fields through secondary and tertiary canals. The systems are managed by the villagers through an irrigation committee in cooperation with the district and Rufiji basin authority Lal et al.
While Msolwa and Mkula are accessed easily from Ifakara town, in the Northeastern part of the valley, Njage is located further into the inner part of valley, close to Kilombero Plantation Limited KPL , and less accessible from Ifakara. The access to the valley changed in the 20 th century as Ujamaa villages were established and the TAZARA railway connected villages with markets Figure 2.
The railway, linking Morogoro, Dar es Salaam and Mbeya, is often the only reliable transport for crops during rainy seasons. Development time-lines for irrigation schemes in Kilombero Valley, Tanzania compiled from Mbande et al. Upper panel is Msolwa Ujamaa irrigation scheme, middle panel is Mkula irrigation scheme and lower panel is Njage irrigation scheme. The study involved gathering both quantitative and qualitative information to better understand and interpret land use changes from local to regional scale.
This mapping was then compared with already published information about land use change in the whole valley Leemhuis et al. In addition, field observations and general historical information gained from farmers during the preliminary field survey were used. TABLE 1. LULC data were collected through Google earth and satellite images. To understand the local scale effects of the canals and irrigation on land use change, we analysed the area close to the canals reflecting activities happening in the irrigation schemes.
First, the three irrigation systems were mapped in Google Earth. The position of the irrigation schemes and the surrounding buffers were checked through ground truthing during fieldwork in Images pre-processing and analysis were done using Arc GIS We used the standard approach for data processing and analysis including image pre-processing for geometric and atmospheric corrections and projection, sub-setting, classification unsupervised classification using Iterative Self-Organising Data Analysis Technique ISODATA algorithm Fuller et al.
A majority filter was used to smoothen the classified output to show only the dominant classification Fuller et al. Accuracy assessment was carried out using Idrisi version Specifically, the classified land cover for year was compared using projected land cover for year We obtained a Kappa coefficient index of 0. Normally, the Kappa coefficient index higher than 0. The methods used by Leemhuis et al.
LULC was quantified and involved atmospheric correction and cloud masking, projections, classification methodologies and accuracy assessment. Local experts were also used for data interpretation, thereby minimizing errors of misinterpretation. For our analysis, we chose to compare our LULC data with the , and data from Leemhuis et al.
To get information about historical development, perceptions of informants on drivers of LULC change and conservation of nature, we used participatory methods, including FGDs and KI interviews, guided by checklist questions Supplementary Appendix 1. FGDs were mainly used to gather historical information on land use and land cover change through time as proposed by Adriansen and Kolar et al. In each irrigation scheme, two FGDs were performed, involving three different groups of stakeholders: irrigation committees, village leaders and old farmers.
Each group was led by a moderator and contained nine participants of same gender to enhance discussion and reduce social barriers. Stakeholder groups with less than 10 participants are more easy to moderate and generate more open discussions Canavor, ; Nyumba et al. The KI interviews were used to capture additional information on the local history of development irrigation schemes and perception on LULC change.
We also discussed the perceptions of informants about the twin goals of improving productivity of smallholder farming and preserving biodiversity. Information from KI were integrated with those of FGDs to construct the time-lines presented above and table on the perception on LULC change during the development of irrigation schemes locally and regionally.
In general, there was an increase in cultivated land and a decrease in forest, bushland and grassland area in all irrigation schemes Figure 3 , Figure 4 ; Supplementary Table 2. The changes, however, occurred at different stages in the villages. Msolwa Ujamaa and Mkula had their major increase in cultivated land from to , whereas cultivated land in Njage increased most from to Supplementary Table 2.
For example, Msolwa Ujamaa had c. In Njage changes into cultivated land was only c. The pools of water in year C , reflect a temporary flooding event and wet conditions. This trend is also seen in the rate of changes calculated for each year Supplementary Table 2. In Msolwa Ujamaa, the annual change into cultivated land decreased from 5.
During the same period, grassland and bushland losses were 2. Similarly, in Mkula village, with an annual increase of cultivated land of 6. When analysing the change from one LULC to another in the three villages, we found some similarities and some differences Table 2. The major change in Msolwa Ujamaa and Mkula was from grassland 35 and 51 ha, respectively, transformed into cultivated land from — There were also some transformations from bushland to cultivated land, but very little came from forest.
The same transition trends were found between and , although at much lower rates. The same transition trend is detectable also between and , but at smaller rate.
TABLE 2. Although, the LULC classes are not matching perfectly with those in our analysis at the local scale, the results from this regional scale show that the valley has experienced major LULC change over the past 3 decades Supplementary Table 3.
Similar to the local small-scale irrigation schemes, the major changes have been from grassland and forest into cultivated land.
The rate of change was not uniform during this period. From to about 0. As a result, there was a loss of forest and grassland at an annual rate of 0. Most of the changes occurred along the perimeter belt of the valley floor and the boundary of the flood plain, predominantly showing the expansion of agricultural areas at the expense of natural grassland and forest. In contrast to the changes in the small-scale irrigation schemes, urbanisation and bare land were other land cover types expanding in the catchment.
Besides investments, such as construction of canals and intakes mentioned by informants, shown in Figure 2 , there were a series of events during this period that were perceived as directly or indirectly associated with LULC change, both in the irrigation schemes and in the valley in general.
Direct events mentioned in FGD were increased cultivation for the market, and the construction of railway and irrigation infrastructure Table 3. FGD participants mentioned opening of the northern part of the valley to Morogoro and Dar es Salaam, to a large extent by an increased supply of rice. Prior to the construction of the TAZARA railway, the valley was according to the informants, mainly home to fishing communities who lived off the Kilombero River and also did a bit of farming.
Some Maasai pastoralists arrived with their cattle in the s. Further, increasing drought and shortage of land in highland areas caused migration of farmers to invest in parts of Msolwa and Mkula, near to Ifakara Town. The opening of the TAZARA railway in made many remote parts of the valley more accessible, leading to expansion of rainfed farming in the valley.
While the railway was not regarded as particularly influential to the land use changes within the irrigating canals, the resulting migration were mentioned to be more influential also for the expansion of cultivation in the small-scale irrigation schemes Table 3. TABLE 3. The end of socialism in the s and the beginning of privatisation in the early s was the starting point of new irrigation interventions see Figure 2.
Focus group discussants and key informants stated that the irrigation schemes were much improved from to Table 3. All schemes had similar development patterns, except for the expansion of cultivated land, where discussants mentioned that the effects of the investments on land use came earlier in the northeastern part of the valley, i. This was part of a country-wide policy for improving village irrigation schemes during the s funded by both government and external support.
In Msolwa Ujamaa and Mkula, KI and FGD participants said that, new technologies for rice production that emerged during the s were followed by further improvements in irrigation farming, such as the use of chemical fertilisers and improved seed varieties.
Farmers at Msolwa Ujamaa and Mkula stated that, although small areas were also given to farmers to improve sugar production, massive investments were made after privatisation of KSCL in the s that supported small scale farmers to engage in irrigation. In contrast, Njage village, located further into the valley, expanded the irrigation systems later from to followed by an investment in KPL in that supported rice out-growers using a System of Rice Intensification SRI technology. Respondents mentioned that SRI technology involved training in the selection of rice seeds, transplanting, and also in the practice of alternate wetting and drying with an aim of increasing rice harvests and water efficiency mainly within irrigated areas Figure 2 ; Table 3.
Respondents mentioned how it has become increasingly difficult to get new land which has also influenced further speculations in the irrigated land. This is specifically as FGD participants mentioned that development and intensification in irrigation schemes increased rice production about 2—3 times compared to the rainfed farming at regional scale.
While discussing the effects of irrigation and intensification on land use in the valley, the FGD participants also pointed out the possibility for how such local investments in intensification and irrigation may reduce pressure on conversion of natural land cover such as forest into cultivation.
Farmers perceived land use intensification would continue in the valley unless interventions are taken. There was a notable nostalgic reference among the FDG participants regarding how visible wild animals used to occur in the wider valley, specifically in the nearby forests.
The problems that the participants referred to here were related to perceptions of an emerging land shortage and land speculation as more people were interested in investing in cultivation. It was also mentioned that there were advantages with small scale compared to large scale farming, based on differences in productivity and investment costs Table 3.
Farmers perceived small scale farming to be associated with improved irrigation farming, that produce high yields on small areas. However, at the regional scale large areas are cultivated more extensively with substantially lower yields per hectare. Compulsory acquisition laws stipulate that persons whose land is expropriated for public interest have to be fairly and promptly compensated. The compensation payable to dispossessed persons is based on the market value of the property or land. The spirit of the compensation is to ensure that affected households neither lose nor gain as a result of their land or property being appropriated for public interests GOT Land Act a; the Land Acquisition Act ; Urban Planning Act ; Kombe Compulsory acquisition was used during the process of moving the capital of the country from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma.
Hundreds of thousands of Tanzanians were resettled in the s to implement a public policy of communal production and shared labor. However, the Constitution, the Land Acquisition Act, and land laws of do permit the President to acquire General, Village or Reserved land for public purposes.
The government must promptly pay landholders fair compensation, including annual interest of 6 percent for any delay in payment. The Land Act identifies seven factors to be considered in determining fair compensation: 1 the market value of the property; 2 disturbance allowance; 3 transport allowance; 4 loss of profits or accommodation; 5 cost of acquiring the subject land; and 7 any other cost loss or capital expenditure incurred in the development of the subject land.
In practice, land expropriation is often not conducted in accordance with legal requirements. In some cases, the government converts Village land to General land to make it available to investors without paying villagers adequate compensation and without requiring or encouraging joint ventures or other local community participation in land development and enterprises.
In addition to failing to compensate cultivators for the value of annual harvests lost, government compensation may fail to compensate other users of land, such as pastoralists and users of forest resources. Pastoralists in particular have lost land to tourism development, national park expansion, and infrastructure development. In some cases, investors have circumvented the requirement for government land expropriation and dealt directly with villages.
Village Councils may be incentivized to negotiate directly with investors rather than wait for government intervention because the councils have an opportunity to set annual rent and request premium payments from the investors World Bank ; Kironde ; Pallotti ; Hakiardhi Compulsory acquisition practices also impact cities, especially the urban poor.
In recent years, the urban landscape has been transformed in Tanzania. Despite the fairly small proportion of the population that lives in cities, the proliferation of informal land markets, land grabbing, speculation and expropriation.
As a result, land values and speculation have been increasing persistently without providing an alternative resettlement area or paying fair compensation. The livelihoods of many households are more precarious. For example, urban farming, which promotes food security for residents, is threatened, and land-related conflicts have intensified especially in the peri-urban areas Kombe In both rural and urban settings, the Land Acquisition Act does not provide any specific protection for women or spouses.
Women have been disproportionately affected by acquisitions in terms of land based, livelihoods, ability to feed their families, loss of water rights and general disempowerment. Widowed and single women have been even more impacted, as relocation has proven extremely difficult for them Matupo Persistent and escalating land disputes and conflicts are a feature of both rural and urban areas.
In rural areas, conflicts are tied to increasing population pressure and the diversification of rural land use patterns i. In some cases, disputes have become violent. For example, since violence in the Morogoro region between Masaai and Datoga citizens has resulted in burned villages, assaults, confiscations of livestock and property, and deaths. It is reported that the violence against the Maasai is well organized and financed by politicians, public servants and other well-connected people with economic interests in the land currently belonging to the Maasai community IWGIA Village Councils can establish a land adjudication committee, with members elected by the Village Assembly.
The primary mode of dispute resolution in these forums is negotiation and conciliation. Forums provide a mechanism for local level dispute resolution. Local forums may, however, reinforce existing hierarchies, and women and socially marginalized people may obtain less equitable results than if they had brought their claims in other tribunals.
Nonetheless, many people prefer the rapid and socially legitimate results that can be achieved using local relationships and institutions Odhiambo ; Odgaard In urban and peri-urban areas land tensions are rooted in land scarcity, which refers to the unavailability of planned, surveyed and serviced land parcels and has been manifest in government authorities struggles to provide formal land plots in numbers near the level of demand over the last 25 years.
Consequently, settlements have sprung up as slums, sprawling, unplanned, poorly serviced and hurriedly constructed Magembe-Mushi and Lashala ; Locke and Henley Its residents possess only marginal security of tenure for the majority of properties in slums since they were built on land that was neither acquired nor properly granted by urban authorities. Urban land conflicts include landlord and tenant contract conflicts, boundary conflicts, easements and double allocations, and trespassing.
Kombe and Kreibich, ; Sackey ; Locke and Henley There are a number of options of justice systems available for land dispute resolution in more urban areas. Formal justice systems specifically established by the Land Disputes Court Act, to determine land disputes are ward tribunals and District Land and Housing Tribunal.
Other systems such as the NGOs, university-based law clinics, the National Land Committee play active roles in one way or the other in the resolution of land conflicts.
Though their decisions are not binding, they play a crucial role in the resolution of land conflicts Sackey Observers have noted that while conflicts in Tanzania, both rural and urban, are often expressed as a function of demographic and environmental pressures, ethnic conflicts, and conflicting land use, the root causes of rural land disputes and conflicts include policy deficiencies and contradictions, insecurity of land tenure, inadequacy of capacity of the local institutions, corrupt practices, inadequate capacity and resources in village land use planning, and ineffective approaches used to resolve the conflicts Mwamfupe The strategy identifies urban growth and agriculture as priority areas for interventions.
In the agricultural sector, Mkukuta II recognizes challenges posed by inadequate technical support for small farmers, lack of irrigation and other rural infrastructure, environmental degradation and lack of financing for investment. Planned interventions include: 1 improving and expanding irrigation infrastructure and developing rainwater-harvesting infrastructure; 2 developing contract-based grower and producer relationships; and 3 supporting access to and expansion of land for agriculture and livestock-development in a manner that balances the demands for large- and small-scale farmers GOT The partnership aims to support a more transparent, efficient and better-resourced land sector to ensure that current and future demand for land leads to beneficial and equitable outcomes for rural populations, and that Tanzania continues to attract and support high quality investment.
The initial three-year program aims to address weaknesses in the land administration system that constrain efficient delivery of land services and good governance, targeting processes of how land certificates are issued to rural and urban citizens, and how land is leased to investors. The LTSP seeks to enable the Government of Tanzania to make information on land records and processes of land allocation publicly available and clarify and address current constraints to protecting landholders.
A component of the program is to introduce a multi-stakeholder group to raise the role of civil society oversight of government services and actions in the land sector. The program was launched on February 28, In and , USAID piloted a project to crowd-source land rights information at the village level in Tanzania using mobile technology.
The pilot tested a new, participatory approach for capturing land rights information, as well as a lower cost methodology for quickly building a reliable database of land rights claims.
The MAST technology tool may be helpful to the Government of Tanzania as an alternative to more traditional, and costlier land administration interventions.
The pilot approach combined relatively inexpensive and readily available mobile technologies e. USAID The objectives of the four year activity include are to reduce land tenure-related risks and lay the groundwork for sustainable agricultural investment for both smallholder and commercial investors throughout the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania SAGCOT.
The World Bank is providing funding for Private Sector Competitiveness Project PSCP , approved in , aims to focus on land administration reform and improved access to financial services, to spur economic growth and improve shared prosperity. The PSCP supports activities designed to improve land registration, land use planning and regularization of tenure rights.
The project originally began piloted a faster land demarcation and registration approach to replace the traditional high cost registration on demand, which is about 10 times more expensive. Several national policies and plans have been reviewed and updated, including national and district land use plans and land use, forest and environmental policies. Community forest management sites have been selected and in the main island of Zanzibar, Unguja, draft agreements have been submitted for legal review.
Various natural resource management pilots have also been completed, including the rehabilitation of stone mining sites.
Ultimately, these measures are expected to strengthen security of tenure, contributing to growth in agricultural production and more and better-planned investment in urban infrastructure, including housing Irish Aid has been working with Tanzania since with a mission to support smallholder farmers and pastoralists to increase farm productivity and improve the farming business environment.
Recent initiatives including pastoralist civic society organizations, to better organize themselves to be heard at a national level, particularly on matters that concern them such as land rights, good market regulatory framework and policies, and access to services.
Tanzania has substantial freshwater resources, including three large lakes that it shares with other countries and that account for about 6 percent of total surface area of the country. Tanzania has eight river basins. The country borders the three largest freshwater lakes in Africa — Tanganyika, Victoria and Nyasa — which represent a huge natural storage capacity for Tanzania, holding almost times the mean annual runoff from all of its rivers.
Lake Victoria in the northwest shared with Uganda and Kenya has a surface area of about 69, square kilometers and is the second-largest freshwater lake in the world after Lake Superior in the U. Tanzania has a 51 percent share of the lake. Tanzania also has a 41 percent share of Lake Tanganyika on its western border shared with Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia , and an 18 percent share of Lake Nyasa also known as Lake Malawi in the southwest shared with Malawi and Mozambique.
This amount is projected to lessen by 30 percent, to cubic meters per capita in as a result of diminishing water resources and increasing population. Between and many areas of the country continued to receive average rainfall in general. However, the country is challenged by a high degree of water resource variability, both spatially and temporally. National mean annual rainfall is 1, mm, but the Lake Tanganyika basin and the southern highlands can receive up to 3, mm annually while about half the country receives less than mm annually.
Temporally, the northern parts of Tanzania experience a bimodal rainfall pattern long rains from March to May and short rains from October to December. In rural areas as many as 46 percent of water points not functional. In urban areas access to piped water in urban areas has declined even more rapidly, going from 79 percent in to only 62 percent in The capital city, Dar es Salaam, experienced the largest drop: access to piped water declined from 93 percent in to 58 percent in Rapid urbanization is one of main causes of these declines African Ministries Council on Water ; Noel According to the government, 76 percent of Zanzibar islanders, the vast majority of whom live in rural areas, have access to safe water.
However, residents face the constant threat of impurities and breakdowns. Supplies by water trucks are more reliable but can only be afforded by those with stable incomes. The rural population has to frequently access drinking water from precarious sources, such as contaminated boreholes or rivers. In addition, rising sea levels have resulted in seawater mixing with fresh water supplies and contaminating the wells.
Zanzibar does not have rivers and the main source of water is groundwater, which depends on the currently erratic rainfall GIZ ; Kabendera ; African Development Bank Although it has institutions, policies, and regulations in place to promote proper water management Tanzania has experienced widespread shortages in its surface and groundwater in many areas. The water shortages result from a number of factors including reduced and delayed rains, water scarcity in certain regions and river basins, increasing multi-sectoral demands, degradation of water catchments due to pollution, poor land use practices, and encroachment of land for agriculture, urbanization and industrial development.
These existing policy and strategy documents contain operational targets to be achieved in terms of level and timescale for improving water resources management, and water supply, sewerage and sanitation. The National Water Policy is based on principles of: 1 equal and fair access to and allocation of water resources; 2 effective and efficient water-resources utilization; 3 better management of water quality and conservation; 4 better management and conservation of ecosystems and wetlands; 5 financial sustainability and autonomy of Basin Water Boards; and 6 promotion of regional and international cooperation in the planning, management and utilization of water.
The policy supports decentralized water-management and revision of the existing perpetual water-right system to a system allocating water rights for a specific duration GOT b. The National Water Sector Development Strategy passed in , designed to implement the National Water Policy, recognizes the importance of universal access to improved water supply and sanitation and the need to develop institutions and methods capable of rapidly expanding services across the country.
It focuses on water-resources management, institutional development and capacity-building, development of district water supply and sanitation plans, execution of business plans for utilities operating in regional and district capitals and plans for water delivery and management in small towns GOT A companion law, the Water Supply and Sanitation Act, focuses on the supply of drinking water and sanitation services.
The Act provides for the transparent regulation of water supply and sanitation services and the creation of authorities to manage water supply and sanitation sustainably. The Act restructures the water supply sector around decentralized and devolved authorities, which are designed to be commercial entities, and outlines the responsibilities of government authorities involved in the water sector.
This legal framework emphasizes shifts planning and management of water resources closer to beneficiaries, encourages multi-objective planning and private-sector participation, and promotes economic sustainability GOT Water Supply Act b. Zanzibar enacted a new water law in Water Act No.
The law declares all water resources to be the property of the government and imposes a fee for the use of all water other than rainwater and seawater. All ten riparian states Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, DCR, Egypt, Sudan, Burundi, Rwanda, Eritrea and Ethiopia signed the agreement and committed to developing cooperative-use agreements to achieve sustainable development through the equitable utilization of the common Nile Basin water resources.
In Tanzania, access to domestic water is a Constitutional right. The Act requires anyone who diverts, dams, stores, abstracts or uses water — other than for domestic purposes — to obtain a water permit from the Basin Water Board.
Individuals and groups with legal access to land are permitted to access surface water for domestic needs without a permit. Landholders are also permitted to access to groundwater through hand-dug wells and may construct facilities to harvest rainwater for domestic use without a permit GOT Water Resources Act a. Anyone sinking, deepening or enlarging a bore well in a Groundwater Controlled Area must obtain a groundwater permit from the Basin Water Board. The Ministry of Water and Irrigation and the Basin Water Boards also have authority to prevent actions causing pollution or other harm to water resources, including through establishing Protection Zones around water sources and requiring permits for the discharge of effluents and other substances into water bodies GOT ; GOT Water Resources Act a.
The Basin Water Board is required to recognize customary water rights as equivalent in status to granted water rights. Customary rights can be recorded and can be subject to annual fees or payment of a premium. All water rights, whether customary or granted, are subject to the management authority of the Basin Water Boards and Ministry of Water and Irrigation, which can restrict use during periods of drought and natural disasters.
The Ministry can designate water resources necessary for public purposes such as firefighting, protection of ecosystems, and providing water to urban settlements. Because water is increasingly scarce, conflicts over water are rising. The availability of water during the dry season is diminishing; groundwater resources are often difficult to access; and land use-patterns, poor management, population increases, and the rising number of commercial and small-holder irrigation systems have all stressed water availability.
Conflicts range from potential legal disputes over incompatible requirements of different types of users, to acts of vandalism and violence.
For the majority of people in rural Tanzania, access to and use of water resources is regulated by customary laws under which all natural resources are community property.
Membership in a community ensures the right to use communal water resources There is no private control of natural water sources, but customary institutions have the right to control and determine the use of water resources for the benefit of the whole community, which can be a source of conflict, particularly as regards irrigation schemes where statutory authorities may try to impose fees for maintenance that do not consider locally based customary arrangement that have worked for decades.
Deadly conflicts over water are also occurring between farmers and herders all of whom are scrambling for scarce water for irrigation and pastures for feeding animals and sustaining livestock IWGIA b. Against this context modern, formal interventions in water supply are superimposed upon over one hundred and twenty ethnic groups in Tanzania, where the nature and power of indigenous local institutions in granting water rights varies considerably from place to place Makoye The Ministry of Water and Irrigation is responsible for setting policy and national strategy for water resource development and ensuring execution of the national strategy for drinking water and other water uses.
The Minister appoints the National Water Board, establishes and supervises the work of Basin Water Boards, and ensures the sustainable development of water resources in the public interest. The minister is supported by the Director of Water Resources who oversees water management and planning, coordinates the work of the Basin Water Boards, resolves disputes, supervises data collection and water audits, and determines investment priorities.
The Basin Water Boards create water management plans, prepare guidelines for construction of water-source structures, collect and analyze data for water resources management, monitor water use and pollution, resolve intra-basin water conflicts, and serve as a channel of communication to water users. Basin Water Boards maintain a registry of water permits issued. The Minister can also declare areas to be catchments and sub-catchments and establish Catchment Committees and Sub-Catchment Committees.
The committees are responsible for coordinating water management plans, resolving disputes and performing other functions delegated by the Basin Water Boards. At the community level, Water User Associations WUAs are responsible for managing water supply and distribution for other uses, including irrigation. Management of the supply of drinking water has a separate governance system under the Ministry of Water and Irrigation and the Minister of State for Regional Administration and Local Government.
The Minister of State for Regional Administration and Local Government ensures that water supply and sanitation services are implemented and is responsible for coordinating the roles and duties of local authorities and community organizations.
The Ministries have joint responsibility for establishing district water authorities. A regional secretariat is responsible for implementing Ministry directives in each region. District Urban Water Supply and Sanitation Authorities cover water supply in small towns, while Community Owned Water Supply Organizations manage water supply and distribution in rural areas. The Government of Tanzania has embarked on a major sectoral reform process.
It completed the restructuring of the water governance sector and established a new legal framework in The plan identifies seven priority investment areas: 1 irrigation development and sustainable water resources and land use management; 2 agricultural productivity and commercialization; 3 rural infrastructure, market access, and trade; 4 private-sector development; 5 food and nutrition security; 6 disaster management and climate change adaptation and mitigation; and 7 policy and institutional reforms and support.
Agricultural land area under irrigation in hectares has risen to , as compared to , in African Union Commission The goals of the project also include enhancing public health and raising the living standards of the Unguja urban population, and sustaining other services and socioeconomic activities, including tourism African Development Fund The project seeks to: strengthen institutional capacity for improving the management of water resources by providing logistical and technical assistance to the nine basin institutions and their management systems; support all local governments in the scaling-up of the provision of rural water and sanitation services; support urban areas and small town utilities in the scaling-up of provision of urban water and sanitation services; and, support the Ministry of Water and strengthen subsector planning and operational capacities.
This work will finance the completion of the integrated water resources management and development plans in 8 basins, additional capacity development for basin-wide water resources management, and priority investments. It will finance the scaling up of rural water supply to support the government attain the service targets of a total of 31, water points reaching 8 million people and will support the improvement of urban water supply and sanitation in key towns and cities World Bank b.
WWF Tanzania has been working with a range of government partners and community stakeholders in the Great Ruaha catchment and Mara Basin since to address key challenges and promote solutions for effective and sustainable water resources management. Key interventions and pilots have included: the establishment of the local water resources management institutions catchment and sub-catchment committees and Water User Associations ; introduction of alternative income generating activities; water sources and river bank protection; introduction of social learning approaches to stimulate multi-stakeholder efforts to improve water management; environmental flows assessment; Climate Change Vulnerability Assessments; environmental and water sources awareness creation; provision of technical support to basin offices and capacity building of government officials on water resources management and learning visits to different basins World Wildlife Fund Forests and woodlands that provide for wildlife habitat, unique natural ecosystems and biological diversity and water catchments amounting to 1.
Extensive areas of miombo woodlands are located in the south and contain as many as different species of trees, dominated by the oak-like subfamily caesalpinioideae , shrubs and grasses. Savanna grasslands extend from east of Mount Kilimanjaro to the coast and along the Kenyan border. Coastal forests and about , hectares of mangrove forest are found along the eastern coast. The mangrove forest at the mouth of the Rufiji River in southwestern Tanzania is one of the largest in the world.
There are also lowland dry coastal forests. The mainland has one of the greatest concentrations of mega fauna on the planet, including elephant, rhino, gazelle, zebra, large predators, and vultures, buzzards and storks. All of these ecosystems have economic, scientific, recreational and aesthetic value GOT c. Forests provide game meat, fodder, medicinal plants, dyes, fibers, gums, resins, oils, beeswax and honey. The miombo woodlands have 83 different species of trees and bushes that provide nuts and fruits.
Ninety percent of the population relies on fuel wood and charcoal for cooking and heating. Currently a new constitution is proposed that, if approved, will provide women with equal land ownership rights to men. At the same time, large-scale investment in land has increased, providing both opportunity and risk for local communities.
With land near the top of the agenda for policy makers in Tanzania, there is great potential to partner to create systemic pro-poor change. Landesa has been working in Tanzania since
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